Nursing Research Article Critique Example
Nursing Research Article Critique Example
Disability and professional identity: Negotiated changes to fitness to practice
Introduction
Politics makers recognize that the employment challenges faced disabled due to a complex matrix of attitudes, hostile environments and disabling barriers (Barnes, 1992: Burchardt, 2005). Therefore established explanations for the challenges disabled people seem to experience in the labor market is no longer regarded as fitting the same people and their organizations.
Overview
This paper considers two questions; negotiated change of fitness to workplace practices and the formation of professional identities of disabled people. This recital will outline a history of how disability was a political issue of central to both employers and disability movement. This exposure is essential to clearly understand the current situation with regard to the challenges disabilities face, vis-à-vis these issues. Illustrations of situations of developed and developing countries will be mentioned. A general overview will be made by policy and practices regarding fitness to practice and professional identity formation of the disabled. It is argued that disabled people face significant challenges in terms of work and that already in employment also face significant challenges in defining and asserting their professional identity due to a combination of factors such as discriminatory employment policy and other debilitating factors in their sociocultural contexts.
Terms explained: Depreciation, Disability and Handicap
In this section conditions, disability, impairment and disability, which arose in the general field of disability studies will be explored. The term identity in general, will be defined, but professional identity, in particular will be considered. Other terms such as can social identity and personal identity, etc. study of contextually.
Although the use of the terms disability, impairment and disability tends to unify the medical and social models of disability and of practical value (Jones, 2001), the terminology is often ambiguous and confusing. Therefore needed to separate and define their meanings (Harris, 1971). The understanding of the terms impairment, disability or handicap, which is used in this document are derived from the initial World Health Organization (WHO) International Classification of Function, rather than the update version of it because, although the latest version claims to reconcile the models of disability, it does not seem sufficient enough to distinguish subtle questions, for example, attitudes or poor air quality affects breathing (Jones.2001), issues of particular interest to the daily lives of disabled people.
Although the terms impairment disability and handicap are often used interchangeably, they are not really synonymous. Impairment an abnormality of structure or function, for example, an abnormality in the ear. Handicaps the other hand, the functional consequence of impairment (eg inability to hear some sounds). Disability is the social impact of impairment on an individual For example, loss of a job or making a career change as a result of communication difficulties (Who, 1980: Jones 2001: Metts, 2004).
Unfortunately, disability scholars do not seem sufficiently different meanings either, and a tendency to treat these conditions as if they are the same, leading to ambiguity and confusion. But the International Classification of Function (ICF) matrix illustrates these concepts in a different perspective, and recognize that all individuals experienced a decrease in health and thereby experience some degree of disability, impairment and disability equal in severity from mild to moderate, severe and profound. ICF 'integrates' disability as an experience and recognize it as a universal human phenomenon (WHO, 1980). It defines 'disability' as a restriction or lack of ability to perform an activity in the manner within the range considered normal for a human (WHO, 1980).
This definition of disability is problematic and therefore has not received universal acceptance and therefore continue to criticize (Oliver, 1990: French, 1994). It is still criticized because it tends to be medically dominant and seems to include the concept of depreciation as an abnormality of function, disability an inability to engage in an activity considered normal for a human being and disability as inability to conduct a normal social role. Nevertheless, progressive thinking since departed from these concepts. Also, the reification the concept of normality seems very problematic for (Jones, 2001). The concept of normality is complex and has a dark side to it (Tremaine, 2005. And 'normal' is a relative because something is considered normal to one community may not be normal to another (Davis, 1995). Its converse, 'abnormal' may be associated with "deviation" as always, will be produced as long as people with or without disabilities fighting for normality and for an existence in society (Tremaine, 2005:192).
Therefore, by focus on the human aspect of impairment and disability, removal from seeing these as a 'medical', 'biological' or 'social' state of the ICF matrix override the question of normality and places all disabilities and health conditions for an equal pedestal so that both health and disability to exist contiguously and compares with a common matrix. The basic elements of this matrix is healthy and has since been adopted by many United Nations Member States and translated the respective country regulatory environment. For example, the United Kingdom, USA and Zimbabwe, to mention a few, adoption, respectively, Disability Discrimination Act (DDA) (Office of Public Sector Information, 1995), Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) (United States Government, 1990) and people with disabilities Act (Government Printers, 1996).
But in spite of the existence and adoption of the common ICF matrix is the issue of disability terminology and definitions is still a subject of much debate among the disabled, their organizations and disability studies. In addition, the disability as an area of study, both during treatment and theorized (Davis, 1995). There is also inconsistency in the use of other concomitant conditions. For example, some authors refer to persons with disabilities as "disabled" (Oliver, 1990), while others prefer to say "persons with a disability (International Labour Organization (ILO) 2008). But the use of the term 'disability' as a Human descriptor 'sounds' (metaphorically) rather mechanical, because reference is often to inanimate items as being 'disabled', for example, a lock disabled, a disabled machine, a disabled computer program andetcetera. Comprehension portrayed is that when something is "Disabled", it has been deliberately constructed for temporary error, but can be 'activated at any other time at the discretion of the user. Therefore connotation in reference to people would be that a 'disability' may later be renovated or to be made non-disabled. This is misleading when you consider labels as' disabled toilet 'or' disabled parking "Perhaps, the use of the term 'disabled', which could appropriately be applied to persons under, rehabilitative therapy done to enable a person to regain lost functions by either an ambulatory, sensory or cognitive nature (Mpofu & Hartley, 2002). Only then, perhaps, a person may be referred 'Disabled'.
But supporters of the term "disabled", note that its use complies with the social model which is claimed that people are disabled by society and restrictive environmental factors and disabling barriers (Union for the physically handicapped Against Segregation (UPIAS), 1981 Oliver, 1990; Barnes, 1992). But the social model for the connotation of "disabled" and "disability" is a diverse system of social constraints disabled by a highly discriminatory society (Barnes, 1992). Seen through the social model, being disabled or having a disability may mean
The disadvantage or restriction of activity caused by a contemporary social organization which takes little or no regard for people who have physical disabilities, and thus excludes them from the mainstream of social activities. (UPIAS, 1976, pp. 3-4).
With regard to human rights model, the term "person with a disability" is generally more acceptable and seems to be increasingly a global catch phrase (ILO, 1988). Theoretical knowledge, however, this writer that all rules, that's disabled person ',' disabled and 'person with a disability "still does not seem to make sense. As an addendum to the criticism of the descriptor' disabled 'is mentioned above, 'disability' to be understood to mean a personal experience that arise from the interaction between a disabled person, and largely the context in which they live (Schneider, Hurst, Miller & Ustin (2003). Experience is interactive with the environment and is thus a product of the interrelationship between the two intra-personal (Identity) factors and external (environmental) factors, if the environment changes, so the experience of disability will also change. It is transient. Therefore, to say a "person with a disability 'is synonymous with a' person with an experience 'does not appear to identify a person correctly, at least, what language is intending to say. The problem with the issue of disability is that the environment ultimate leverage to create handicap has now been firmly established and is seen as an integral Part of the definition of disability (Schneider, 2006). But it is clear that the language of disability is not in line with progressive ideas and need updating but superficial, term impairment is less need for change. This discussion is therefore a choice to be made on which term use in the light of terms appear meaningless. The term 'Disabled' was selected and will be used solely on the basis of its 'apparent good fit' confidentiality and easy to pronounce in the flow of reading and writing, and also as a reference to a particular group of people with apparently an identity crisis.
Identity
Identity, as a concept that is universal, unfixed, multifaceted, dynamic and inextricably linked to other concepts (Schneider, et. Al, 2003) and therefore probably not easy to define (Giddens, 1991) It is a concept postmodernists argue, is still evolving and seems to be a product of forces interact in one's unique social impacts and environmental conditions as you come into constant contact (Brown, 1991). And the trend in this process is to create different types of identity shaped around contexts. For example, there may be collective identity, cultural identity, personal identity, social identity (Hannum, 2007), the disabled identity, spoiled identity (Goffman, 1990), vocational identity, political identity and etcetera. Of interest in this paper is a professional identity that is built around personal identity in a work environment.
The concept of personal identity comes from the inner sense of self and expands outward to the outer external physical and social factors, thus offering a basis of comparison with the Significant others in the same context (Beown, 1993: Goffman, 1958). Personal identity is not something you have but it is something you develop and evolve over one's life as shaped of ecological and socio-cultural factors (Beijaard, Meijer & Verloop, 2004). Personal identity, therefore, can be defined as "…. Uniformity with a second or the unique characteristics that determine the individuality (Brown, 1993: 1304). Because of the uniqueness or commonality with another, each person's identity then be perceived through a lens that can illuminate one's universal identity (Liang, 1965; Somers, 1994; Beijaard, et al., 2004). Personal identity is how people perceive and make sense of each other (Goffman, 1958). It is elementary that all social contact and for the construction of society and culture. People want to know about others' thoughts, beliefs, and intentions for to understand their words and actions and to predict their future behavior. These units are not immediately obvious, but others see external manifestations, or signals in one's inner state in a broader social identity (an issue currently being debated around modernism and postmodernism). Social identity consists entities in a person's identity, comes from membership of a particular cohort, which may include age, ethnicity, race, religion, sex, sexual orientation, nationality, socioeconomic status or profession (Hannum, 2007).
Quintessentially, identity as a concept, is complex and laden with philosophical, psychological and sociological overtones, which are located in processes that exist in the core of a person's cultural context (Erikson, 1968; Samuel and Stephens, 2000), The knowledge of one's identity both from an ontological (internal) and epistemological (Outer) perspective brings in the questions "Who am I?" or "Who are we?" (Ng Han, Mao and Lai, 2010). And for a disabled person is considering a professional career, a further question as "what I want to be?" May be pivotal to the fundamental relationship between the individual's personal identity and the construction of one's professional identity (Samuel et.al. 2000). But then while the development of the individual's personal identity can be located on the sociocultural level, a person's professional identity is ultimately shaped by what is happening in both socio-cultural context and similar professional environment (Samuel, et. al., 2000).
Especially the socio-cultural and professional environments seem to exist contiguously and are in constant interaction with each other and neither seems non-porous to the forces of change that constantly impact on individuals and their professional practice. The light is therefore a person's identity (Either ontological or epistemological) that tries to assert itself in a professional environment can only be done in relation to a multitude of others vying identitieswithin same person. Paradoxically, although these identitiesmay co-exist within the same person they do not conflict with nor share the same values, beliefs, behaviors and attitudes all of which may be based on the socio-cultural experiences of the person in a particular place (Samuel & Stephens, 2000).
Recognition should therefore be the definition of identity, there are a plurality of sub-identities, which should recognize and include diversity, for example, race, language, gender, sexual orientation, ability or failure, impairment or work type. A person can take a variety of professional identities, depending on the culture and experiences in social enterprise and the professional work environment (Beijaard, et.al, 2004); quota also on the dynamics of philosophies, ideologies, practices and systems which can be spatially and temporally network at work response, the specific types of industries (Kostogriz and Peeler, 2004). How then is a professional identity is defined and what impact will this identity has a disabled person ability to work? One might ask. The answer to this question is what this paper discusses, and the following sections will be used to do it. But first we will explore what professionalism is and how this leads to the definition of professional identity.
Professionalism and Professional Identity
Some studies argue that professionalism develops on two levels at the structural level and attitudinal level (Dawis, England and Lofquist, 1964). At the structural level, an example being the formal education admission requirements to profession or type of organization or governmental organization status a work in. Professionalism also occurs at an attitudinal level, for example the individual's professional sense of call to the profession (Hall, 1968). A person who introduces profession must undergo an external transformation to describe the behavior and etiquette required of the specific career role. Teachers, lawyers, doctors, soldiers or auditors for example, can be easily identified and differentiated by their manner of walking, dressing, grooming and even speech that is often associated with their profession. Internally, the person there is a development of self-conceptualization associated with the specific professional role, which will be exhibited to the society for approval and recognition (McGowen & Hart, 1990). Put another way, professionalism includes both psychological and sociological perspectives. Thus, an individual tends to develop a professional identity as a consequence of this sociological and psychological interactive process. Expressing his professional identity at times also been documented in perceptions of what one says one is and what one wants to be (Bejaard, et.at. 2004). Essential, professional identity is therefore derived from a process to develop and implement a professional self-concept members of the profession and to the public (Dawis, England and Lofquist, 1964).
Professional identity is therefore a maturation process that begins at some point of an entry into the training business and is evolving and continues to evolve into life which the individual identifies with the profession (Dawis, et.al., 1964). This process can be seen as the experience that can help individuals to marry theory with professional practice in the work environment (Dawis, et.al., 1964). It is a process of "fitting in" into the industry and get to know traditions and ethics of a profession. Professional identity thus aaccording to Moore and Hofman (1988: 70) can be defined as "the extent to which one person thinks his or her professional role as an important, attractive and in harmony with other roles." This definition seems reasonable to get close to understanding what the professional identity, especially when 'identity in itself is still a poor and fuzzily defined Meaning '(Watson, 2002; Beijaard, et al., 2004). But for a disabled person "fit" in business has not been easy. "Fitting in" is tended to emerge through negotiation and bargaining changes in the workplace.
For most disabled professionals in developed countries like England, has reasonable adjustments to working environment to be made to allow them to work. Wherever practicable, the disabled should have access practices and develop their professional identity without going compromise. But why would it be? To understand why the disabled have to negotiate changes to fitness to practice following section presents a historical background, which could shed light into this argument.
A historical background, a view from the Developed Countries
Prior to the rise out labor and medical progress, the identity of disabled people was strengthened because they were excluded from mainstream social and economic activities as their families, tribes or clans (Bagilhole, 1997). Even when disabled people could not participate fully Bagilhole, (1997) argues, was they are still able to make a financial contribution equivalent to their (dis) ability. Disabled people were identified as individually unfortunate, and thus was embraced by society. The term disability was then born.
The term 'disability' was popularized during industrialization (Oliver, 1990; Mithaug, 1996). The emergence of the medical paradigm for viewing people were affected partly by Charles Darwin's writings in "The Origins of Art (Mithaug, 1996. His theory offered new insights into the use of scientific thinking in social issues, namely by sorting the so-called strong species from weakness in a more systematic manner (Finkelstein, 1980). The theory apparently contributed to double stratification of human society to 'be' and 'disabled'. Apparently, this is a precedent for the labor market adoption of 'fit' and 'unfit' panoptic view of people (Foucault, 1991). The industrial revolution also individualized and medicalized disability (Oliver, 1990). The medical fraternity focused on a person's physical body and health (Davis, 1995) so pathologising disability. Therefore, Oliver (1990) commented that;
The idea of disability as individual pathology only (seen as) possible, when we have an idea of could-bodiedness which is itself related to the rise of capitalism and the development of wage labor (1990:25).
Underlined by a perfect physical body was set as a prerequisite for labor market fitness for employment, high productivity and performativity (Foucault, 1991). The idea paid work during industrialization offered various kinds of disturbances for the disabled; the effect was different. For example, the introduction of the time and motion studies in the emerging factory system, many more disabled people were unfit to attend in gross production, because;
The speed of factory work, the enforced discipline, the time-out and production standards – was a highly unfavorable transition from the slower, more self-determined and flexible working, which many (disabled) people had been integrated (Ryan and Thomas, 1980:101).
Infer from the quote above, the disabled were thus deemed unfit to practice in any job role, either because they did not meet contract work market demands or were considered medically as "disable-bodied. They were now effectively excluded from any work (Bagilhole, 1997; Mithaug, 1996; Oliver, 1990).
With lift and flourishing of the conducted work, process of exclusion of disabled people from the labor market was systematic (Bagilhole, 1997. Thus waged labor era effectively banished disabilities to the bottom step of labor and social ladder (Morris, 1969); in the process, decreasing and also changing their own identity concept. Unfortunately, this trend continued and the status of disabled people have not markedly improved in the current times, either (Metts, 2004), although partnerships between disabled and inter-agency professionals appear to play an important role in getting disabled work.
Some figures: A global view
According to International Labour Organization (ILO) (1983), unemployment continues to be the main problem for people with disabilities worldwide. Country data where it exists, verify that the disabled are less likely access to training, education and employment of any kind (Jones, 2001). When they do work, people with disabilities have a greater probability of being underemployed, underpaid, experience less job security and fewer opportunities for advancement (Metts, 2004). It is therefore not surprising that an estimated 20 percent of the world's poor are disabled (ILO, 1983)
Unemployment levels among disabled people are two or three times times as high as for other persons (ILO, 1983). For example, unemployment figures for Europe in 1978 Indicative. In 1978, Unemployment in both Holland and Denmark were 7% and only 11.5% and 17.5% of registered disabled people were unable to find work (Jones, 2001).
In Finland, the same problem of unemployment among disabled people is also present, although Finland is considered to be a developed country which is very advanced in terms the treatment it gives people with disabilities (Jones, 2001). There is recognition that even when a particular employment facility exists, and employers have an incentive the employment of disabled people, their continuing to deteriorate because of an overall increase in unemployment because of the perception that disabled people unfit for work (Jones, 2001).
In Canada, the total federal unemployment of disabled people in relation to non-disabled people is estimated at more than 10.4% compared to 6.8% of those not disabled (despite that the legislation in Canada prohibits discrimination against disabled people, there is overwhelming evidence for the case of inequality in the treatment of labor, as most disabled people are considered unfit for work (Jones, 2001). In Australia, there is deliberate discrimination against workers with disabilities with regard to equal opportunities skills and training, equal employment opportunities, equal working conditions and career development (ILO, 1983). Also, many disabled people living below poverty line datum line (ILO, 1983: Jones, 2001). Only 53% of disabled people, compared with more than 80% of non-disabled people are employed. In the U.S., about 50% of disabled persons in jobs, but only 26 percent of those considered severely disabled employees (ILO, 1983). In Europe, 42% of disabled people in employment compared to 64% of those without disabilities (Jones, 2001). And also significant in the United Kingdom, 52% of disabled people are economically inactive compared with 28% of non-disabled people (Barnes, 1992).
The disability (un) employment situation in Britain
Access to education and vocational training of disabled people in England and Scotland appears to be low. As late as 2007, education enrollment figures from Scotland show a discrepancy in teacher education enrollment of disabled teachers and non-disabled teachers over five consecutive years. These figures are worrying, because getting good jobs depends on education capacity competence and suitability to work after completing training.
Across Britain, teachers, social workers and nurses are required to register with a regulatory body established by law, before getting a job (Riddell, Weedon, Fuller, Healey, Kelly, Georgeson, Hurst, & Peelo, 2007). For example, nurses Nursing and midwifery Council (NMC, 2008) ensures that all candidates are "good health and good character'and fit for purpose (NMC, 2008: Sin, Kreel, Johnston, Thomas, & Fong. 2006). But for teaching and social work there are separate regulatory authorities in England, Scotland and Wales, with different policies in practice. But for all professions, applicants are required to declare a disability or medical conditions to appropriate institutions (Riddell, et. Al. 2007). These statements were introduced to meet the fitness to practice standards. Unsuitable items were removed upon registration. Standards friendly to disabled people was redefined by the Disability Discrimination Acts of 1995 (Office of Public Sector Information (1995). But ten years later, the Disability Rights Commission (2007) found that much of the legislation and guidance, which regulates access to medicines in education and social work professions do not reflect the provisions of the DDA, and often undermined disability equality. Also for people with disabilities Rights Commission became aware of the complex and irregular network of rights and responsibilities of disabled people as they went through training, qualifying, registering and seeking employment and maintaining employment within these professions. The introduction of fitness standards to work has been a source of competition in professional identity formation for disabled people already facing challenges of being forever isolated and negatively stereotyped.
With the exception of social work and teaching in Scotland, where the fitness standards now not now seem to apply, there are still widespread 'good health', 'or' fitness' standards in teaching, social work, nursing and other health professionals across the UK (Riddell, et. al. 2007; Department for Education and Employment (DfEE) (1999). This tradition seems to continue, and are reflected in the fitness standards requirements explicitly set out in individual organizational recruitment policies and procedures. For example, the health professions Council placed regulation on matching skills to citizens wishing to train as veterinarians. And this issue has been confirmed by the European Union / World Bank project 'Matching competencies in higher education and the economy: From the catalog of the strategy and curriculum development "(World University Service, 2008, available online), whose long-term goals does not recognize people with disabilities. Use of competence frameworks means employability is controlled by a job description and a person specifications must be met before one can be hired (Disability Rights Commission, 2007). Although the DDA and The Disability Rights Commission guidelines tend to support disabled people in jobs that seem to be challenges in implementing the guidelines. However, organizations continue to use local policies and rules that are discriminatory to the disabled. This seems indicative of a deliberate attempt to exclude disabled people from actively participating in the work, although advances in medicine, rehabilitation and assistive work has had a tendency to increase disabled functional capabilities (Sokolowska, OSTROWSKA & Titkow, 1981).
Of course, fitness standards may be necessary in some jobs such as military, police or marines, which generally has a tendency to exclude inappropriate people from working in those professions. But it should not be interpreted as meaning that there is work that disabled people can do in these services. There are a lot of people with disabilities to make in most professions. Discriminatory practices seem to get in the way and tends to be generalized to the rest of the labor market. But if the DDA guidelines and other national and international policy frameworks should be respected to the letter and spirit, there seems to be an ability to strengthen the individual sense of identity to any disabled when employees. That is not enough and there is also a need to re-address and possibly reform policy guidelines and their implementation at all levels. But the current policies and practices do not appear to be positive about this. Disabled people still refused to work and develop assertive individual professional identity (Metts. 2004).
Developing Countries: Current Situation
However, the changes were unfolding in the industrialized world a far cry to what actually took place in developing countries. In South Africa, for example 19% of disabled persons were employed in 2001 compared with 35% of the entire population. In some developing countries such as Zimbabwe, Namibia and Malawi, the unemployment rate is estimated to be 80% and higher (SINTEF 2004: Hill, 2005).
Up until the present, the struggle to get work, let alone fit to work and develop a professional identity appears to be ongoing, never ending and a really challenge for people with disabilities in many countries (ILO, 1983). In most cases, the extremely high percentage of unemployed disabled people means that most are forced into begging to survive, or that the few who obtain jobs are forced to accept lower wages (ILO, 1983: Barnes, 1993: Jones 2001: SINTEF, 2004). In other cases, some employers feel uncomfortable having people with disabilities in their workforce. Chimedza and Sithole (2000) describes a situation where one workshop for job creation in Harare (Zimbabwe) and an employer called for non-employment of the disabled. He argued that employing a disabled person would cost him three times the actual cost of labor He actually require, because first, he must pay the disabled. Secondly, he has to hire a person to support the disabled. Thirdly, he to hire a third person who will actually do the work. His argument, in fact, seemed to emphasize that disabled people are disabled. Maybe that also accounts for why an estimated eighty percent of the world's disabled people are said to live in low income countries, usually living in rural or remote areas where they often lack basic services.
The plight of disabled people deemed unfit to work and any attempt to negotiate fitness in competition with healthy individuals requiring extra leverage (Metts, 2004). In Zimbabwe, Malawi and South Africa, for example disabled people realized this and began agitating and advocating for better education and skills education. And to acquire vocational or university education in particular, seemed to offer a good leverage in vying for jobs at the local and global labor market place.
But for a youthful disability need these challenges can be circumvented exclusionary practices are still evident. How to negotiate fitness, to define and maintain professional identity and professionalism in the labor market are issues that tend to be often overshadowed not only by disability, but also of attitudes to healthy professionals in most jobs (Lord, 1981). For most it is a double jeopardy because, in addition to having a disability, often have no other difficulties. This problem is particularly exacerbated for marginalized and minority ethnic groups, disabled lesbian and gay people, disabled black people or women with disabilities (Barnes, 1993) This scenario has been a tendency to cause 'a disembedding' and deconstruction of identities with the ability to create new identities in work places where disabled people could be recruited (If any) (Bernstein, 1996:76).
Proposed future path
If professionals are shaped by contextual forces in certain places of work and identity is a result of the interplay of psychological, sociological and philosophical aspects of these contextual forces, it is imperative to believe that negotiations on the future oriented nature of one's professional role identity is possible and fundamental in work places. Professional identity is much to negotiate a future-oriented professionalism. Emphasis should be on what the professionals in training should be shaped not only by contextual factors, but also familiar with complex power relations and opposition to determine identity and it would also argued runway training (Duesterberg, 1998). For the new recruit disabled professionals into a preferred profession, experience of power relations and objections within workspace sites can often discussed in terms of " fitting in, 'or learn to' play the game '(Duesterberg, 1998). 'Fitting in' involves negotiating ways to develop a career that satisfies both the 'ontological self' and professional identity. And disable people must face this challenge firmly. Talking about 'fitting in' is the fitness and fitness standards. But how can fitness and fitness standards function at the ground where the policy-making can have a real negative impact on disabled people opportunities, experiences, meet conditions, recording and working in the professions? The way organizational fitness policy and procedures affect disabled people sometimes make it very difficult to handle professional identity issues on an individual basis, especially now that employers seem to highlight emerging issues; employs staff according to demonstrated competencies. This may be partly due to number of factors, peer and employers' attitudes, skills agencies, educational institutions and other interdisciplinary bodies.
In the United Kingdom, for example, the complexity of the legal and political framework, which consists of the Disability Discrimination Act (DDA) has a tendency to influence, how disabled people are treated. Even some professional organizational policies and procedures and their function in practice makes it difficult for disability discrimination and other work fitness problems solved through individual actions, but rather a collaborate effort to address the challenges facing disabled people in all busy at work.
In southern Africa, the concept taking root, but unfortunately this can take time to care. Disability legislation in Zimbabwe, Malawi and South Africa, and their respective disability laws ie T he Disability Organizations Act (1992), The Employment Act (2000) (ILO, 1983) and 'promotion of equality and prevention of unfair Discrimination Act of South Africa-2000 (Water Meyer, et.al., 2006), attempt to remedy a serious atrocities disabled people face in negotiating aptitude for work and negotiate professional identity, but little progress appears to be obvious. Pedagogical misdeeds inherited from colonial policies tend to interfere with efforts to make a meaningful internships and identity negotiations for disabled professionals (Pendlebury, 1998). More efforts are needed, for example for teachers to negotiate a more open and flexible working arrangements fitness skirmishes, which have an impact on "space-time perspective of learning 'and thus leave space for development of individual professional identities (Pendlebury, 1998). Newly trained professionals with disabilities, regardless of capacity or incapacity, must 'fit' of an identity in the new African and be role models within their current socio-cultural context.
Comment
But there is a paucity of disabled professionals (Hurst Field, Aston, Mitchell and Ritchie (2004) and there may be a need to recruit more disabled people in the profession because according to research, is a small percentage of people with disabilities found in education. A recent study conducted in Malawi showed that only twenty percent of disabled persons have access for schools and 26 per cent of them have access to the workplace (SINTEF, 2004). Training was available for only five percent of those who needed it. Moreover, services available reported to be poorly funded and too few resources (Chimedza & Sithole, 2000: SINTEF, 2004).
Ironically, access to education and training of disabled people in Scotland, a developed country also seems to be low, although Riddell, Wilson and Tinklin (2004) suggests that there have been several improvements for disabled on higher education in England in recent years. The Teacher Development Agency (UK) reports that there is an under-representation of disabled people in education (National Disabled Teacher Taskforce, 2005). Data collected by Initial Teacher Training (ITT) providers on new entrants to ITT, shows that four percent of the cohort in 2003 was disabled (National Disabled Teacher Taskforce, 2005). It is perhaps not surprising, because services and facilities for disabled students in higher education just is not enough (UNESCO, 1997), an issue that this writer is respected and is studying for his dissertation. This seems to be a situation that seriously needs correcting. How disabled then justify their ability to fit in work places, claiming to be professional and develop professional identities and to contribute as agents of change locally and globally, if the quality of their education is compromised due to lack of services and offers? It may be difficult to justify. It seems there is certainly a need for increased presence of disabled people in education services and jobs. There are also specific requirements for preparing and implementing of disability-friendly policies, procedures and practices at all levels of policy making. Otherwise it may look as though all the discourse on equal access and opportunities and fitness to practice, development of professional identity for disabled people in long stay in the realm of discourse. Practical talks on fitness to practice and develop professional identities can also be false hope and forever remain a chimera.
Conclusion
In conclusion, the author's contention that this article has not exhausted the issue completely because they issue identity, professional identity and disability for different areas of study in their own right. A link was established to discuss these as interconnected concepts. This paper then highlighted unemployment is disabled, as well as the challenges they face to get jobs and to maintain professional identities. Probably a large part of the core ideas, observations, and clubs to highlight issues derived the author's own reflective experiences gathered in the United Kingdom, Zimbabwe and too late, the Middle East. The author believes that negotiate fitness practice and development of professional identities of disabled people seem to be frustrated by the efforts of the so-called non-disabled people and the political rhetoric surrounding disability and the paradox arising from policies and practices. It is noteworthy that the policy at all levels should allow, where practicable, people with disabilities who demonstrate competence for a particular job role, work and not be judged by their disabilities.
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About the Author
Partson Musosa Phiri is an Ed.D candidate at the University of Hull (UK).He holds the following qualifications: M.Ed. degree (University of Hull), B.Ed (Planning and Policy Studies) University of Zimbabwe, DipEd. (Special Education) United College of Education- Zimbabwe, CertEd. Mutare Teachers College- Zimbabwe, Subject Literacy Specialist, Bradford College, Certificate in Adult Education -Hull College. His special interest is in disability policy issues